中世纪世界生活手册（十七）

2023年8月7日发(作者：何允)

张玉宁1997-

土地财产

          尽管现代房屋和土地购买合同以及公寓或办公室的租赁合同保留了可追溯到威廉国王的土地使用权制度的古老语言，但词义已经发生了变化。在中世纪的术语中，土地财产并不一定意味着像现代说法那样，在草场上有一栋气派的房子，有围墙的花园和有门的车道，而是指所有权的分类和地位。土地财产是一种以时间衡量的占有权益。

Though modern purchase contracts for houses and land and rental contracts for apartments and offices retain archaic language traceable back to King William’s land tenure system, word meanings have changed. A land estate in medieval terminology did not necessarily mean a vast ostentatious house set on grassy fields with walled gardens and a gated driveway, as in modern parlance, but rather the classification and status of ownership. An estate in land was a possessory interest measured by time.

          土地上的两个主要财产是自由保有财产和非自由保有财产。非永佃权包括租金、租约和农奴从领主那里拥有土地和房屋的保有权。非永久业权没有扣押权，即对永久业权和土地的占有权利。自由保有财产有扣押权，通常通过扣押的仪式传递，在这种情况下，卖方将象征性的土块传递给买方，无论是否有书面契约。租户占有土地上的永久产权地产后，就承担了所有的权利和责任。

The two major estates in land were the freehold estate and the nonfreehold estate. Nonfreeholds included rents, leases, and villeinage. The nonfreehold had no seizin, meaning the right of possession of a freehold estate and land. Freehold estates had seizin, usually transmitted by the ceremonial livery of seizin, in which a seller transmitted to the buyer a symbolic clod of earth with or without a written deed. The tenant taking possession of a freehold estate in land assumed all rights and responsibilities of tenure.

          自由保有的土地财产是非常复杂的。一个基本类型的永久产权是简单收费，这是最高和最好的所有权和占有权，无限期地持续下去，可以无限期地遗赠给继承人和受让人。在两种类型的简单费用地产中，绝对费用地产是更确定、更好、永久的所有权及占有方式。然而，单价可转让遗产是一种只有在某些事件发生时才会中断的土地遗产。它是一种附带条件的土地转让。这种可转让土地所有权可以像绝对土地所有权一样永远存在，但它可能因某种特定情况而被取消，例如建造一个被禁止的酒馆或与一个受限制的人结婚。如果该事件导致自动归还给设保人或继承人，则被称为可确定的简单收费。保有权可能是在随后的条件下的简单收费，导致所有权非自动回归给设保人或继承人。或者可以是受制于执行利益的简单收费，导致剩余部分归第三人所有。

Freehold land estates were tremendously complex. A basic type of freehold was the fee simple, the highest and best right of ownership and possession, lasting indefinitely, which could be willed to heirs and grantees infinitely. Of two types of fee simple estates, the fee simple absolute was the more certain, better, perpetual ownership and possession. However, a fee simple defeasible was an estate in land cut short only when and if certain events occurred. It was a land transfer with conditions attached. This fee simple defeasible could last forever as if it were a fee simple absolute, but it might be obliterated by a specific circumstance, such as building a forbidden tavern or marrying a prohibited person. If that event caused an automatic reversion to the grantor or heir, it was called a fee simple determinable. The tenure might be fee simple upon condition subsequent, causing a nonautomatic reversion of possession to grantor or heirs. Or it could be a fee simple subject to an executory interest, causing a remainder to go to a third person.

          其他费用包括尾款。在普通法中，为了使土地的使用权只能在家族中继承，长子之间相互继承，每个人只得到相当于终身遗产的财产。遗嘱中的“和他或她的继承人”这句话规定了尾随继承的程序。终身财产的期限是以一个人的生命来衡量的，提供所有权的所有权利和特权，除了通过出售或死亡时的转让。衡量生命的标准可能是拥有土地的人，也可能是另一个人，即 “pour autre vie”（指以终身财产形式存在的专有永久业权权益的期限）。在授予承租人终身占有土地的终身遗产后，财产归捐赠人或另一个指定的人。

Other fees included the fee tail. In common law in order to keep land in tenure heritable only in the family, eldest sons inherited from one another, each receiving only the equivalent of a life estate. The process of inheritance by fee tail was created in a will by the words “and the heirs of his or her body.” Duration of a life estate was measured by a person’s life, providing all rights and privileges of ownership except for transfer by sale or transfer at death. The measuring life might be the person possessing the land or yet another person, pour autre vie. After a life estate granting possession of land for the tenant’s life, the property reverted to the donor or to another named person.

          国王、王子或贵族的年幼子女，没有长子的可继承土地特权，需要某种形式的赚钱职业。这种有利可图的财产、任命或收入被称为“封禄”（封地，封地是君主将封地让给他的小儿子，而长子在父亲去世后成为国王，历史上，它被用来阻止国王的小儿子们的叛乱，否则他们将没有继承权，从而避免平均分配导致君主政体恶化）（法语，apaner，“赋予生存手段”）。

Younger children of a king, prince, or nobleman, having no heritable land privileges of the firstborn, needed some form of moneymaking profession. Such a lucrative estate, appointment, or income was called an apanage (French, apaner, “to endow with means of subsistence”).

Tallage和什一税

（Tallage或talliage（来自法国 tailler，即从整体中切出的一部分）最初可能表示任何税收，但在英国和法国变成了土地使用税或土地保有权税。后来在英格兰，它进一步仅限于王室对城市、行政区和皇家领地的评估；实际上，Tallage是一种土地税。什一奉献（或什一税、什一捐），常用于指犹太教和基督宗教的宗教奉献，欧洲封建社会时代用来指教会向成年教徒征收的宗教税）

          税金是封建附庸向其领主缴纳的一种税金，其计算方法各不相同，以所持土地的数量为基础。各种各样的税金包括在基督教庆祝天使长圣米迦勒的节日时支付的米迦勒节税金，通常在9月29日。在新领主到来时支付的是“入城费”。Heriot是一种死亡附加费，通常由乡民向领主支付最好的动物或最好的作物部分来支付。它最初被称为hergeat（盎格鲁撒克逊语heregeatwa，“军队装备”），是封建租界中附庸死亡时归还给领主的战争装备、马、盔甲和武器（起源于领主借给农奴一匹马、盔甲或武器来战斗的传统，这样当农奴死后，领主就可以合法地收回他的财产）。

Tallage was a tax that feudal dependents paid to their overlords, variously computed and based on the amount of land held. Numerous varieties of tallage included the Michaelmas tallage paid at the time of the Christian feast celebrating Saint Michael the archangel, usually on September 29. Incoming tallage was paid at the arrival of a new lord. Heriot was a death tallage, paid usually by the best animal or the finest part of the crop that the villein paid to the overlord. Originally it was called hergeat (Anglo Saxon heregeatwa, “army gear”), the war gear, horse, armor, and weapons returned to the overlord at the death of a lord in feudal tenancy.

          “Merchet”（该术语的词源可能不是在任何特别涉及女仆或女儿的词的词根中寻找，而是在涉及血液、购买、救赎或选举权或为其支付的价格，或特定类型的税收、罚款、进口税或勒索费用）是一种婚姻税，是乡民为其女儿在庄园外结婚而向庄园主支付的税款。“Relief”是接管新土地时支付的税款。“Wood penny”是对收集用作木柴和建筑的枯木的权利的税收。

Merchet was a marriage tallage or tax that a villein paid as to the manor lord for the villein’s daughter to marry outside the manor. Relief was the tax paid when taking over a new landholding. Wood penny was the tax for the right to gather dead wood used for firewood and for building.

          教会也同样征税，收取什一税，相当于农作物或动产、可移动财产和财富价值的十分之一，包括资本、家畜和任何可转让的财产，动产是指与房地产相反的东西。教会还征收其他税款，如教友死亡时要支付的停尸费。

The church taxed similarly, collecting a tithe, an amount equal to one-tenth of the value of crop or chattels, movable possessions, and wealth, including capital, cattle, and anything negotiable that was owned. Chattels were the opposite of real estate. The church also imposed other taxes such as mortuary to be paid at the death of a parishioner.

大学和经院哲学

          大学在12和13世纪开始发展，成为独立的机构，学生和教授通过医学、神学和法学系联系起来。这些研究生学习遵循七种文科的课程，这些科目解放了人们的思想和行动。三门文科是指语法、修辞和逻辑，四门文科是指天文学、音乐、几何学和算术。到了1200年，萨莱诺的医学举世闻名，博洛尼亚的法学和巴黎大学的神学也是如此。

Universities began to develop in the 12th and 13th centuries as independent corporations with students and professors organized under faculties of medicine, theology, and law. These graduate studies followed the curriculum of the seven liberal arts, the subjects that liberated the mind to think and act. The three liberal arts of the trivium were grammar, rhetoric, and logic. The four liberal arts of the quadrivium consisted of astronomy, music, geometry, and arithmetic. By the year 1200 the faculty of medicine at Salerno was world famous and so were the faculty of law at Bologna and the faculty of theology at the University of Paris.

         在11和12世纪，学术派试图将古典推理，特别是亚里士多德的逻辑和哲学，应用于基督教教义和礼仪。意大利作家圣安塞姆（Saint Anselm，卒于1109年）写了一篇名为《为什么上帝成为一个人》（Cur Deus homo）的论文，以解释耶稣基督的救赎方法背后的逻辑。著名教士皮埃尔·阿伯拉尔（1079-1142）写了《赞成与反对》（Sic et non），证明了著名教会学者，希波的圣奥古斯丁（354-430）著作中的不一致和对立面。

In the 11th and 12th centuries Scholasticism attempted to apply classical reasoning, particularly Aristotelian logic and philosophy, to Christian dogma and liturgy. The Italian writer Saint Anselm (d. 1109) wrote the treatise called Why God Became Man, Cur Deus homo, to explain the logic behind Jesus Christ’s method of salvation. The famous cleric Peter Abelard (1079–1142) wrote his Pro and con, sic et non, demonstrating the inconsistencies and antitheses of the writings of the famous doctors of the church, particularly Saint Augustine of Hippo (354–430).

法人团体，税收和国王的“两个身体”

          早在12世纪，大学和商业企业就设立了法人团体。法人团体是一个神秘的实体，虽然普通人是其组成部分，但法人团体是（现代公司也是）永久的和不朽的。法人团体将所有权和管理权分开，即使所有者和管理者是同一个人。法人团体限制了投资人的责任和损失的风险。而公司股份通常可以在今天我们称之为公开市场的地方购买。中世纪的世俗人士或教会人士（或现代的医生、律师、工程师或独资公司的建筑师），尽管是一个普通的、脆弱的、易受伤害的凡人，却被赋予了不朽公司的法律地位。法人团体与国王、学院和天使共享神秘的现实。

Corporations were created for universities as early at the 12th century as well as for business enterprises. A corporation was a mystical entity. Although mortal human beings were its constituents, a corporation was (and the modern corporation is) perpetual and immortal. A corporation separated ownership from management, even when owner and manager were one and the same person. A corporation limited liability and limited risk of loss for those who invested in it. Corporate shares were customarily available for purchase on what today we call an open market. A medieval secular person or ecclesiastical person (or modern physician, lawyer, engineer, or architect in a sole corporation), though an ordinary, fragile, vulnerable mortal, was endowed with the legal status of an immortal corporation. Corporations shared mystic realities with kings, colleges, and angels.

          法人团体模仿了国王的王权。中世纪的法律文件在提到国王的头及王冠与国王的领域及王冠时，并没有将王冠定义为君主的秃头或毛发，也没有将领域描述为单纯的耕地和海岸线，这都是多余的。王冠是对政治体和国王有两个身体的法律虚构的一种形而上的提及。神秘的形而上学思想是在伊丽莎白一世女王统治时期（1533-1603年）为争夺珍贵的土地而发生的争吵中进入法庭的，尽管这些思想要早几百年。兰开斯特王朝的国王曾将巨大的、有价值的兰开斯特公国作为私有财产，而不是王室的财产。正如儿童在合法的婴儿期过后，在达到成年年龄之前不能签订合同一样，国王爱德华六世（1547-53年）在还是一个少年时，就租赁了兰开斯特公国的某些土地。这些租约在法律上有效吗？

The corporation emulated the king’s Crown or kingship. Medieval legal documents referring to the king’s head and Crown and the king’s realm and Crown were not redundantly defining Crown as the monarch’s bald or hairy cranium, nor describing the realm as mere acreage and coastlines. Crown was a metaphysical reference to the body politic and to the legal fiction that the king had two bodies. Mystical metaphysical ideas entered the law courts during a vituperative squabble over precious land during Queen Elizabeth I’s reign (r. 1533–1603), though the ideas were hundreds of years older. Lancastrian kings had owned the huge, valuable duchy of Lancaster as private property, not property of the Crown. Just as children could not enter contracts until they reached the age of majority after legal infancy, so King Edward VI (r. 1547–53) when still a teenager had leased certain lands within the Duchy of Lancaster. Were those leases legally valid?

          王室律师表示，普通法不允许国王作为国王的行为因其年幼或未成年而被否定。国王有两个身体，一个自然身体和一个政治身体。他的自然身体终究会消亡，受制于自然或意外的所有弱点、幼年和老年的低能，以及死亡的自然缺陷。但国王的政治体是一个无形的永恒的机构，包括政策和政府，指导人民和管理公共福利。这个政治体完全没有幼年、老年、不完美和自然缺陷。

Crown lawyers stated that common law allowed no act of the king as king to be defeated by his infancy or nonage. The king had two bodies, a body natural and a body politic. His natural body was mortal, subject to all infirmities of nature or accident, imbecility of infancy and old age, and natural defects of mortality. But the king’s body politic was an invisible eternal body consisting of policy and government, directing people and managing public welfare. This body politic was completely free of infancy, old age, imperfections, and natural defects.

          国王的政治体不能因其自然体的残疾而使他的言辞失效，也不能使他的意愿受挫。国王的两个身体完全相互作用，形成一个不可分割的单位。但政治体比自然体更全面、更广泛，因为它包含了减少和消除脆弱的人性中的不完美的力量。这种神秘、神奇的二元性定义了一个国王和其他机构，其可见的凡人品质需要不朽的寿命：大学、修道院和商业公司。

The king’s body politic could not have his word invalidated or his will frustrated by disability in his natural body. The king’s two bodies fully interacted with each other, forming an indivisible unit. But the body politic was more comprehensive and extensive than the natural body because it encompassed the forces for reducing and removing the imperfections of fragile human nature. This mystical, magical duality defined a king and other institutions whose visible mortal quality required immortal longevity: a university, a monastery, and a commercial corporation.

          甚至税收也有双重性质。在早期的中世纪，公共税收是非同寻常的，它涉及到一些封建事件，如帮助赎回领主，给他的长子授勋，为他的长女筹集嫁妆，或在公共紧急情况下保卫王国，这是一种必要的原因。和现在一样，通过一种对缺钱的政治实体常见的神秘操纵，虚构的不寻常成为公开的普通。在欧洲大陆的许多地方，公共税收成为年度税收的同义词。最初，税收是与一个不可重复的事件相联系的，如领主的长女结婚，而现在它与日历和凡人的时间相联系。原本对某一场合的需要，通过法律上的虚构，变成了永久的需要。因此，法国国王每年都要求征收税款，即公共必需品税。

Even taxes had a double nature. Public taxation in the earlier Middle Ages was extraordinary, not ordinary, and involved such feudal incidents as aids for ransoming a lord, knighting his eldest son, amassing a dowry for his eldest daughter, or defending the realm in case of public emergency, a causus necessitatis. By a mystical manipulation common to political entities starved for money, then as now, the fictitious extraordinary became the openly ordinary. Public taxation in many parts of continental Europe became synonymous with annual taxation. While originally taxation was linked to an unrepeatable event, such as the marriage of the overlord’s eldest daughter, now it was connected to the calendar and mortal time. The original necessity for an occasion became by legal fiction a perpetual necessity. Therefore, the king of France demanded annually a tallage, the tax for public necessity.

          该法人团体源自亚里士多德的理论，即虽然个人发生了变化，但永久的身份却持续存在。个人死亡，但公共体并没有死亡。个人的公共需求得到满足，但公共需求是永恒的。一所大学或一个公司是一群人在一个神秘的团体中的集合。个别教授和学生生活、学习和死亡。因此，合法的公司（法人团体）在结构上与基督教的天使相比较。

The corporation derived from the Aristotelian theory that though individuals changed, perpetual identities endured. Individual people died, but the people did not die. Individual public needs were satisfied, but public need was perpetual. A university or a corporation was a collection of men united in one mystical body. Individual professors and students lived, studied, and died. Legal corporations therefore compared structurally with Christian angels.

议会、等级

          几乎每个欧洲地区的大型代表机构中，等级制度很常见。每个君主都有一个顾问，或者更多的是几类顾问。在英国，他们被称为议会（parliaments或States）（来自拉丁语parliamentum，“talking”）。在德国，有代表性的参事机构是diets；在西班牙，参事机构是cortes；而在法国，参事机构是generales。在法国，传统的三个阶层是神职人员、贵族和城镇居民。在英国，三个阶层是神职人员、男爵和骑士，以及平民，后来，这些人被称为“灵职议员”、“俗职议员”和“下议院”。在苏格兰，教士是第一阶层；佃主（或封臣）是第二阶层；镇民是第三阶层。庄园（土地）的权力往往需要确认和保证，例如，英格兰的贵族和教会人士以及伦敦的公民在1215年迫使约翰国王签署《大宪章》，重申他们的权利和自由。

Hierarchies were common in the large representative bodies in almost every European territory. Every monarch had a counsel or more usually classes of counsels. In England they were called parliaments (from Latin parliamentum, “talking”) and estates. In Germany representative counsels were the diets; in Spain the counselors were cortes; and in France, estates generales. In France the customary three estates were the clergy, the nobles, and the townsmen. In England the three estates were clergy, barons and knights, and the commons. Later these were called the Lords Spiritual, Lords Temporal, and Commons. In Scotland the prelates were the first estate; feudal chief tenants, the second estate; and townsmen, the third estate. The power of estates often needed confirmation and guarantee. England’s noblemen and churchmen and the citizenry of London, for instance, in 1215 compelled King John to sign the Magna Carta to reaffirm their rights and freedoms.

妇女的社会角色

          虽然现在欧洲的女性人数多于男性，但情况并非总是如此。对中世纪男女比例的分析表明，在中世纪早期，对于所有准备好的适婚男性来说，女性人数太少。一直到15世纪，女性都比男性少。女性的预期寿命似乎也比男性短。虽然古病理学记录不完善，但对中世纪妇女坟墓的发掘表明，平均而言，妇女比情况类似的男子死得早。即使在古典时期后期，妇女对“房屋、炉灶和田地”的照顾，正如塔西佗所说，留给她们的休闲时间很少。中世纪早期妇女的预期寿命短得令人沮丧。显然，亚里士多德关于男人比女人长寿的观点直到11世纪左右仍是正确的。通过回顾12世纪以前的法律，可以最好地理解中世纪早期和晚期对妇女的“评价”之间的差异，这些法律保护妇女的价值，实际上是用金钱来衡量一个女人的生命价值。

While today in Europe women outnumber men, it was not always so. Analyses of medieval ratios of women to men demonstrate that in the early medieval period there were too few women to go around for all the ready, marriageable men. Women were fewer than men right through the 15th century. Women also seem to have had a shorter life expectancy than men. While the paleopathology record is unclear, excavations of medieval women’s graves suggest that on average women died earlier than similarly situated men. Even in the late classical period, women’s care of the “house, hearth, and fields,” as Tacitus phrased it, left them little time for leisure. The life expectancy for the early medieval woman was dismally short. Apparently, Aristotle’s idea that men live longer than women held true until somewhere around the 11th century. Differences between the earlier and later medieval “valuation” of women can best be understood by reviewing pre–12thcentury laws that protected women’s value and actually celebrated a woman’s worth with a monetary price on her life.

          早期日耳曼部落，即萨利安法兰克人（从509年起，法兰克人分为3个部族；萨利安人(Salian)、里普利安人(Ripuarian)和卡蒂人(Chatti）或黑森人（Hessian））的法律规定，如果一个人被杀，凶手必须向死者家属支付一种特殊的罚款，称为赔偿金 (Weregild)（“人价”或 “人金”）。谋杀一个男人的赔偿金 (Weregild)是200索利都斯（拉丁语：Solidus，复数：solidi），无论其年龄大小。如果被害人是一个女孩，她还没有到可以怀孕的年龄，赔偿金 (Weregild)仍然是200索利都斯。但在妇女开始工作和生育后，她的赔偿金 (Weregild)会增加两倍，达到600索利都斯，并一直保持到老年。杀害孕妇的惩罚是700索利都斯。非常年老的妇女的赔偿金 (Weregild)会恢复到正常男性200索利都斯的费用。在生育和工作期间，妇女的“价值”高于同年龄和社会地位的男子。在工作或生育期间，每个普通妇女都享有与国王的伴侣和基督教主教相同的保护与货币价值。

Laws of an early Germanic tribe, the Salian Franks, required that if a person were killed, the killer had to pay to the bereaved family a special fine called Weregild (“man money” or “people-gold”). The Weregild for the murder of a man was 200 solidi, whatever his age. If the murder victim was a girl who was not old enough to conceive children, the Weregild was still 200 solidi. But after the woman began to work and to bear children, her Weregild tripled to 600 solidi and there remained until old age. The penalty for killing a pregnant woman was 700 solidi. A very old woman’s Weregild reverted to the normal male charge of 200 solidi. During her childbearing and working years a woman was “worth” more than a man of the same age and social rank. During her working and childbearing years every ordinary woman enjoyed the same protection, the same monetary value, accorded the king’s companions and Christian bishops.

          另一个日耳曼部落，阿勒曼尼人（或译为阿拉曼人（Alamanni、Allemanni或Alemanni）），非常珍视妇女的工作和生育能力，法律特别保护了妇女从怀孕到入土为安。如果一个男人袭击了一个孕妇，导致她损失了一个胎儿，且孩子是男孩，对这一应受谴责的行为的罚款是12索利都斯；若是女孩，则是24索利都斯。女婴的赔偿金比男婴的赔偿金要严重一倍。伤害妇女的罚款是伤害男人的罚款的两倍。即使是盗挖妇女的坟墓也要加倍罚款。也许妇女在下葬时，会带着丈夫送给她们的首饰（结婚时的礼物）。这样的结婚礼物是丈夫送给妻子的嫁妆，称为Morgengabe，是新婚之夜后的第二天早上新郎送给新娘的礼物。

Another Germanic tribe, the Alamans, so cherished women for their work and their childbearing that laws specially protected women from womb to tomb. If a man attacked a pregnant woman, causing her to abort a fetus, the fine for that reprehensible act would be 12 solidi if the child were male and 24 solidi if female. The loss of a baby girl was twice as grave as the loss of a baby boy. Fines for any injury to women were double those for injury to men. Fines doubled even for robbing the grave of a woman. Perhaps women were buried with jewelry their husbands gave them as gifts at marriage. Such a marriage gift was a dowry given by a husband to a wife, called the Morgengabe, the gift of a new day, the gift of a morning, the valuables the new husband gave to his wife on the morning after their first night in bed.

          这些法律和习俗表明了“货物市场”的运作情况。在中世纪早期，妇女被高度重视，因为她们是稀缺的“货物”。然而，在12世纪后不久，女性的数量开始超过男性。这种人口状况一直持续到今天。为什么呢？也许是由于参加十字军东征和其他冲突，男性人口相对于女性而言有所减少。亦或许是城镇生活的秩序和骑士精神的准则使生存的危险性降低。或者是有效的城镇和国家政府可以给予更多的保护，以制止大部分的强奸和绑架。没有受某些形式的暴力的妇女活得更长。记录显示，例如在15世纪的纽伦堡，每1000名男子对应1207名妇女。在巴塞尔，每1000名男子对应1246名妇女。本来很乐意做妻子的妇女却没有男人可以结婚。当时妇女的选择是修道院或手工业。当妇女越来越多时，她们就变得不那么珍贵，不那么有价值。当妇女成为“多数群体”时，她们就成为一种政治威胁。

Such laws and customs suggest the workings of a marketplace. Women were valued highly in the early Middle Ages because they were scarce. Nevertheless, shortly after the 12th century women began to outnumber men. That demographic circumstance persists to this day. Why? Perhaps it was the male population that decreased with respect to women due to participation in the Crusades and other conflicts. Perhaps the order of town life and codes of chivalry made existence less perilous. Perhaps effective town and state government could give greater protection and personal security against rape and abduction. Women free of certain forms of violence lived longer. Records show that in 15th-century Nuremberg, for instance, there were 1,207 women for every 1,000 men. In Basle 1,246 women existed for every 1,000 men. Women who might have been happy to be wives had no available men to marry. Women’s choices then were a convent or a craft. When women were more plentiful, they became less precious and less valuable. When women became the majority, they became a political threat.

城     市

          城市生活是人们自愿聚集在一起和平交换商品和服务的结果。为了实现这种和平的物物交换，城市居民花钱修建围墙来保护自己的房屋和市政建筑，花钱组建民兵来抵御入侵者，花钱修建自来水系统等便利日常生活的设施。城市居民维持着一个代议制政府，效忠于封建领主、教会宗主、国王或皇帝。城市向领主纳贡并效忠。战争期间，城市提供骑士、武装战士、物资和金钱。统治者将城市视为财富和繁荣的源泉，并在自由的宪章中确保市民的权利。在国王和贵族之间的纷争中，国王通常试图与城市结盟。

City life was the result of voluntary clustering of people for the peaceful exchange of goods and services. To achieve such peaceful exchange of value for value, city dwellers paid for walls to surround their houses and municipal buildings, for a militia to fight against invaders, and for amenities that eased their daily living such as piped water systems. City dwellers maintained a representative government that owed allegiance to either a feudal overlord, ecclesiastical suzerain, king, or emperor. The city paid tribute and owed allegiance to its lord. During wars the city provided knights, armed warriors, material, and money. Rulers favored cities as sources of wealth and prosperity and confirmed the city’s civil rights in liberal charters. In the tumultuous disputes between kings and noblemen, kings usually attempted to create alliances with cities.

         中世纪的城市是简·雅各布斯（Jane Jacobs）所说的“有组织的复杂性问题”的典范，它同时处理大量问题，这些问题相互关联，成为一个有机整体。城市的发展和经济的扩张或收缩通常不是通过具体的计划，而是通过人们在为自身利益做出决策时建立的信任网络。伦敦的市政供水系统是从亚当·斯密到弗里德里希·哈耶克等古典经济学家所说的自发秩序的典范。城市是人类行为的结果，而不一定是人类的设计。

Medieval cities exemplified what Jane Jacobs called “problems of organized complexity” that dealt simultaneously with huge numbers of problems resolved and interrelated into an organic whole. Cities evolved, and their economies expanded and contracted not usually by specific plans but by networks of trust established when individual people made decisions while working in their own self-interest. The municipal water system of London exemplified what classical economists from Adam Smith to Friedrich Hayek called spontaneous order. Cities were the result of human actions, not necessarily human designs.

          大多数人认为，城市的发展源于乡村生活的扩展。因果关系可能恰恰相反。在社会发展史上，城市的发展可能先于而不是后于乡村的发展。畜牧业和农业很可能是从最早的旧石器时代贸易营地的大型定居点发展起来的。这些最早城市贸易的加强刺激了居民对食物的需求，从而导致了农业的产生和畜牧业的发展。

Most people assume that cities developed from an expansion of rural country life. The flow of cause and effect may be precisely opposite. In the history of social development cities probably preceded, not followed, rural development. Animal husbandry and agriculture most likely developed from the earliest urban settlements that were Paleolithic trading encampments. Intensification of trade in those earliest cities stimulated food requirements for the inhabitants that caused the inventions of agriculture and developments of animal husbandry

商     人

          从事城市间或国际贸易的商人需要知识、耐心、货币兑换手册与信誉。15世纪的那不勒斯商人贝内德托·科特鲁格利（Benedetto Cotrugli）指出了商人尊严的四个来源。一个世纪后，他在1573年于威尼斯出版的《论商人与完美商人》（《Della Mercatura e del Mercante perfetto》）一书中列举了这四个方面。首先，商业促进了公共福利、舒适度和共和国的发展。其次，商人对私有财产和货物进行荣誉管理。节约、节制、稳健、正直的商人为自己和家庭增加财富，在购买动产和不动产、房屋、家具、装饰品和服装时刺激其他行业，并通过与更高的社会阶层通婚来提升自己的地位。永远不从事贸易的家庭是可悲的。

Merchants dealing in intercity or interstate commerce required knowledge, patience, manuals of monetary exchange, and trust. The 15th-century merchant Benedetto Cotrugli of Napoli identified four sources for merchant dignity. He enumerated them in his encomium to his profession, On Commerce and the Perfect Merchant (Dell mercantura et del mercante perfetto), published a century later in Venice in 1573. First, commerce advanced public welfare, comfort, and the health of republics. Second, merchants honorably managed private property and goods. Sparing, temperate, solid, and upright, the merchant increased wealth for self and family, stimulating other industry as he bought movable and immovable property, houses, furniture, ornaments, and clothing and elevated his condition through intermarriage with higher social ranks. Sad was the house that never engaged in trade.

          第三，商人经营金银、货币和贵重物品，需要诚信，并与工匠、绅士、学者、领主、王公贵族和各种等级的教士打交道。最后，商人的商誉和无懈可击的声望不仅具有道德价值，还具有谈判价值。任何国王、王子或其他有地位的人都不会像一个好商人那样享有如此宝贵的声誉和良好的信用。虽然王子的名声可能很大，但却没有实际用途，而商人的声誉却可以随时兑现。商人简单明了的收据无需证人即可生效，而统治者和其他人没有证人和法律证明是不会被相信的。

Third, merchants dealt in silver, gold, money, and valuables that required integrity and interacted with artisans, gentlemen, scholars, lords, princes, and prelates of every rank. Last, merchant goodwill and impeccable reputation had negotiable as well as ethical value. No king, prince, or other man of rank enjoyed such valuable reputation and fine credit as a good merchant. While a prince’s fame might be great, it had no practical use, whereas a merchant’s reputation served readily for cash. A merchant’s simple, plain receipt was valid without a witness, whereas rulers and others were not believed without witnesses and legal attestations.

          骄傲、有文化、负责任是中世纪理想商人的特点。1299年，伦敦，一个由法国和英国商人组成的兄弟会成立了Pui协会（“puy”一词源自拉丁文podium，意思是“站立的地方”，可能指的是一个升高的平台，竞赛者可以在该平台上发表作品，也可以让评委聆听他们的作品），以慈善为目的，并培养音乐和诗歌。后来，德国的名歌手 (Meistersinger)，包括鞋匠汉斯·萨克斯（Hans Sachs，德国歌手，诗人，剧作家和鞋匠），举办了精心制作的歌曲比赛。

Proud, literate, responsible civility characterized the ideal medieval merchant. In 1299 a brotherhood of French and English traders in London created the Society of Pui for charitable purposes as well as the cultivation of music and poetry. Later the Meistersingers in Germany, including the magisterial shoemaker Hans Sachs, held elaborate song contests.

伦敦的大管道

          水是城市生活成功的关键。在伦敦，大管道将水输送到伦敦市中心。正如1345年的一项法令所规定，富人和中产阶级可以获得水来制作食物，穷人则可以饮用。在伦敦名为奇普塞德（Cheapside（ chepe这个词表示它是一个交易场所））的主要食品市场附近，大管道的巨大喷泉和引水渠为食品生产商提供了一个聚会场所、一个商品销售地点和一个重要的水源。厨师和面包师从多条水管中为他们的沸腾锅和面团槽取水，酒馆或酿酒师为酿造麦酒和麦芽取水。渔夫和鱼贩们清洗他们从泰晤士河捕获的新鲜鱼类，并对从北海和波罗的海进口的盐渍鱼类进行脱盐处理。屠夫和家禽饲养者抽取了数加仑的水，用于清洗肉类上的血液和内脏，为在市场上销售做好准备。

Water was critical to successful life in the city. In London the Great Conduit carried water to the center of London so that, as a 1345 ordinance stated, the rich and middling might obtain water for preparing food and the poor might drink. Within the main London food market neighborhood called Chepe, the huge water fountain and pipes of the Great Conduit of Chepe provided a meeting place for food craftsmen, a selling site for commodities, and an important water source. From multiple pipes cooks and bakers drew water for their boiling pots and their dough troughs, and taveners and brewers fetched water for making ale and malt. Fishermen and fishmongers washed their freshly caught Thames fish and desalted their salt-preserved imported fish from the North Sea and the Baltic. Butchers and poulterers drew gallons of water for washing blood and viscera from their meats, readying them for market sale.

           管道将水输送到市民的厨房中，人们可以更方便地烹饪和饮用。伦敦的管道系统非常复杂，除了主喷泉和管道外，还有东和西市场的附属分支，以及为城市大片区域、居民区和特定家庭服务的延伸管道。伦敦的管道水是通过地表和地下水道从河流、溪流和小水渠引来的。这些水道本身就是捕鱼、酿造啤酒、清洗家禽和鱼类以及碾磨谷物的重要水源。伦敦的河流和较小的水域对城市的食客来说是必不可少的，它们不仅可以运送食品和商人进出城市，还可以为磨坊和机械设备提供动力。住户们也直接从河岸和溪边为厨房取水。

Citizens carried conduit water to their kitchens for cooking and drinking. London’s complex conduit system had additions to the main fountains and pipes via subsidiary branches in the markets of East Chepe and West Chepe and extensions serving large sectors of the city, neighborhood wards, and particular households. London’s conduit water was diverted by means of surface and underground aqueducts from rivers, streams, and brooks. These watercourses themselves were important resources for catching fish, making beer, cleaning fowl and fish, and milling grain. For transporting food produce and merchants to and from the city as well as providing a power source for mills and mechanical devices, London’s rivers and smaller waters were essential to the city’s victualers. Householders also drew water for their kitchens directly from riverbank and brook side.

《供水条例》

          自然流水的多种用途加上管道系统的人工疏导，使得防止水污染对城市利益至关重要。中世纪伦敦的食物和健康离不开水。臭气熏天、恶臭难闻、污染严重的水引起了人们的恐慌、骚动及对保护城市水源立法工作的开端。针对用水弊端的有效法律包括：控制用水量、向食品生产商征收用水特权费、规定服务和改善的资金来源，以及明确清理水道的责任。市政当局任命的管道管理员负责防止水资源浪费，向用户收取费用，检查、清洁、修理、维护和保护整个管道系统。管道管理员的账簿详细记录了从特定户主和食品生产商那里收取的管道使用费，公开列出了欠费者名单，并列举了没收的非法壶、盆和桶，这些都是通过现金抵押赎回的。水管工作人员赚取日薪，外加酒水津贴或中午解酒的酒水津贴（或称“午宴”）。员工们修理破损的水管，延长输水管道，并检查输水系统中是否有毒物（esclandre de poyson）。公共供水系统的主要漏洞之一是蓄意中断、破坏或投毒。真实或想象中的毒害以及克服毒害的狂热迷信方法导致杰弗里·乔叟在《坎特伯雷故事集》中的赦免者将猪骨作为能够净化毒水的圣物兜售。

Multiple uses of naturally flowing waters plus their artificial channeling in the conduit system made prevention of water fouling vital for city interests. No single element was as indispensable as water to medieval London’s food and health. Stinking, reeking, polluted waters caused consternation, agitation, and legislation. Against water malpractices effective laws-controlled water usage, extracted fees from food craftsmen for water privileges, prescribed financing of services and improvements, and defined responsibility for cleaning waterways. Municipally appointed keepers of the conduit were charged with preventing water waste, collecting fees from users, and checking, cleaning, repairing, maintaining, and protecting the whole plumbing system. Account books of conduit keepers detailed monies collected for conduit use from specific householders and food craftsmen, publicly listed dues-defaulting people, and enumerated confiscated illegal pots, tubs, and buckets redeemed by cash pledge. Conduit personnel earned daily wages augmented by stipends for drink or with wines for a noon quench, or nuncheon. Employees repaired broken pipes, extended water conduits, and investigated the system for poison, esclandre de poyson. A major vulnerability of a public water system was intentional interruption, sabotage, or poisoning. Real or imagined poisonings and the grand superstitious methods to overcome them led Chaucer’s Pardoner in the Canterbury Tales to peddle pig’s bones as saint’s relics capable of curing poisoned waters.

水资源浪费

          酿酒师、酒馆老板、麦芽制造商和其他食品饮料生产商的渎职行为造成了水资源的过度使用与浪费，导致水资源短缺。到了1357年，浪费现象已经非常严重，以至于管道附近的住户在法庭上控诉酿酒师，因为他们有巨大的运水桶，被之为“Tynes”。作为对过度取水的惩罚，任何酿酒师如果被发现向运水桶中注水，就会被管道管理员没收容器。单靠这种惩罚并不能阻止水的浪费。后来的缺水问题再次牵连到酿酒师和酒馆老板，他们被禁止用管道水酿造麦酒或麦芽。违反这一规定的人将失去他们的大容量酒杯和运水桶，支付罚款，并有可能被关进监狱。初犯者罚40便士，第二和第三次犯法者罚钱并没收水容器，第四次犯法者则要坐牢。

Perfidies of brewers, taverners, malt makers, and other food and drink craftsmen caused inordinate use and wastage of water, resulting in shortages. By 1357 wastage was so serious that householders from the conduit neighborhood complained in court against brewers because of their giant water-carrying tubs called tynes. As sanction against overdrawing water, any brewer caught filling a tyne lost his vessel to the conduit keeper. Alone, this punishment failed to deter water loss. Later water shortages again implicated brewers and taverners, who were forbidden to make ale or malt with conduit water. Violators of that rule lost their multigallon tankards and tynes, paid fines, and risked jail. Forty pence was penalty for the first offense, money plus the water receptacles for second and third offenses, and for a fourth misdeed, prison.

通过私人行动解决水资源问题

          私营企业和市政当局合作，共同解决水源问题。弗利特街的市民们不愿意再忍受管道和水管破裂时房屋与地窖被淹、货物被毁的情况，他们自费建造了一个保护性的通风口或阁楼，用于防止公共渡槽的溢流。他们承诺，如果这种新的设计以任何方式损害了管道或危及城市福利，他们将把所有管道恢复到原来的位置。在理查德二世（1377-99）统治时期，22位市民在一份日期为1388年的拉丁文文件中承诺支付在酒商约翰·沃尔沃斯 (John Walworth) 拥有的房屋和酒馆对面的引水道上修建保护性的通风口（或阁楼）的费用，以防止伦敦引水道因管道破损而导致洪水泛滥，造成他们的房屋、地窖、围墙、货物和物品的遗失、腐烂和损坏。

Private enterprise and municipal initiative collaborated in remedying water distresses. Fleet Street citizens, for instance, no longer willing to endure their houses and cellars flooded and their goods ruined when conduit pipes and water mains broke, built at their own cost an aventum, a protective vent or penthouse for the overflow of the public aqueduct. They promised to restore all pipes to their original positions if this new expediency in any way violated the welfare of the conduit or city. In a Latin document dated 1388 under the reign of Richard II (r. 1377–99), 22 citizens pledged to pay for the penthouse over the aqueduct opposite the house and tavern owned by John Walworthe, vintner, to prevent flooding via the London aqueduct due to broken pipes causing losses, rotting and damaging their houses, cellars, party walls, goods, and wares.

          其他拥有商业或住宅用地和公寓的伦敦市民则自费修理管道。富裕的伦敦人认识到副管道对自家厨房的实用性，因此个人出资建造副管道，并提供担保以防主管道受到损害。私人出于个人利益和爱国主义而赞助和支付的水利工程，并承诺在公共利益受到损害时要向市政当局赔偿。泰晤士河、弗利特河和泰伯恩河是英国15条河流中的三条，这些河流由公共和私人出资治理，以防止人们的粗心大意、淤塞、沉积、人工筑墙、改道、筑坝和城市建筑的掩埋。

Other London citizens holding lands and tenements for business or dwelling repaired problems at their own expense. Wealthy Londoners, recognizing utility for their own kitchens of a subsidiary conduit, personally funded its building, giving surety against infringement upon the main pipes. Water projects sponsored and paid for by private individuals for personal gain and for patriotism always provided for restitution to the municipality in case of damage to the public good. The Thames, Fleet, and Tyburn were three among 15 English rivers treated with public and private initiatives against human carelessness, silting, sedimentation, artificial wallings, diversions, dammings, and burials beneath urban construction.

《Handbook To Life in The Medieval World》（2008）

By Madeleine Pelner Cosman and Linda Gale Jones  

未完待续！

五一快乐祝福语-